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FS Kortlandt

  • 1 vysòkъ

    vysòkъ Grammatical information: adj. o Proto-Slavic meaning: `high'
    Old Church Slavic:
    vysokъ `high' [adj o]
    Russian:
    vysókij `high, tall' [adj o];
    vysók `high, tall' [adj o], vysoká [Nomsf], vysokó [Nomsn]
    Czech:
    vysoký `high, tall' [adj o]
    Slovak:
    vysoký `high' [adj o]
    Polish:
    wysoki `high, tall' [adj o]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    vìsok `high, tall' [adj o], visòka [Nomsf], visòko [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Vrgada) `high, tall' [adj o], visokȁ [Nomsf], visokȍ [Nomsn];
    Čak. visȍk (Orbanići) `high, tall' [adj o], visȍka [Nomsf], visȍko [Nomsn]
    Slovene:
    visòk `high' [adj o]
    Bulgarian:
    visók `high, tall' [adj o]
    Comments: For the suffix *- okъ, cf. -> *glǫbòkъ, *dalèkъ. The suffix is absent in the comparative, e.g. Ru. výše, SCr. vìšē, Sln. vȋše, where we also find the original acute tone. The root is usually reconstructed as * ūps-, cf. Gk. ὑψηλός `high'. Kortlandt (1977) has argued that in Balto-Slavic initial *u yielded acute "long" *u (Lith. ū́, PSl. *vy) under the stress and short *u in pretonic position. The acute variant is supposed to have originated from a Balto-Slavic prothetic laryngeal. Now that an number of examples can be explained by Winter's law, the evidence for Kortlandt's explanation has been weakened. Nevertheless, the Slavic situation regarding initial *u undeniably resembles the situation regarding initial *i, where I have claimed (2003) that stressed *i- yielded * (j)i under the stress, but *jь in unstressed position. In my opinion, it is likely that the reflex * vy- originated in stressed position, cf. vỳsь and the comparative vỳše.
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὑψηλός `high' [adj];
    OIr. úasal `high, lofty' [adj]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > vysòkъ

  • 2 xoditi

    xoditi Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `go, walk'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 48-49
    Old Church Slavic:
    xoditi `go, walk' [verb], xoždǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    xodít' `go, walk' [verb], xožú [1sg], xódit [3sg]
    Czech:
    choditi `go, walk' [verb]
    Slovak:
    chodit' `go, walk' [verb]
    Polish:
    chodzić `go, walk' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    hòditi `go, walk' [verb], hȍdīm [1sg];
    Čak. hodȉti (Vrgada) `go, walk' [verb];
    Čak. hodȉt (Orbanići) `go, walk' [verb], hȍdin [1sg]
    Slovene:
    hóditi `go, walk' [verb], hǫ́dim [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    xódja `go, walk' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: sod-
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 884
    Comments: The initial x is thought to have originated after prefixes triggering the "ruki-rule" (e.g. pri-, u-). In order to explain the absence of the effects of Winter's law, Kortlandt assumes that xoditi replaces a reduplicated present *sizd-, where the law would not apply (Kortlandt 1988: 394).
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὁδεύω `wander' [verb];
    Av. āsnaoiti `approaches' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > xoditi

  • 3 xȏdъ

    xȏdъ Grammatical information: m. o Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `motion, movement'
    Page in Trubačev: VIII 51-52
    Old Church Slavic:
    xodъ (Supr.) `motion, movement' [m o]
    Russian:
    xod `motion, movement' [m o], xóda [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    xid `motion, movement' [m o], xóda [Gens]
    Czech:
    chod `motion, movement, walking' [m o]
    Slovak:
    chod `motion, movement, walk' [m o]
    Polish:
    chód `motion, movement, walking' [m o], chodu [Gens]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    hȏd `motion, movement, speed' [m o], hȍda [Gens];
    Čak. hȏd (Vrgada) `motion, movement, speed' [m o], hȍda [Gens];
    Čak. huȏt (Orbanići) `walk, walking' [m o], hȍda [Gens]
    Slovene:
    hòd `motion, movement, walking' [m o], hóda [Gens];
    hǫ̑d `motion, movement, walking' [m o], hodȃ [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    xod `motion, movement, step' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: sod-o- \{1\}
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 884
    Other cognates:
    Gk. ὁδός `wander' [verb]
    Notes:
    \{1\} The initial x is thought to have originated after prefixes triggering the "ruki-rule" (e.g. pri-, u-). In order to explain the absence of the effects of Winter's law, Kortlandt assumes that xoditi replaces a reduplicated present *sizd-, where the law would not apply (Kortlandt 1988: 394).

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > xȏdъ

  • 4 γυμνός

    Grammatical information: adj.
    Meaning: `naked, unarmed' (Il.).
    Derivatives: γυμνάς, - άδος f. m. `naked' (E.); `trained' (E., Attika); collective = `trained men' (Amorgos, Astypalaia, Kos). γυμνής, - ῆτος m. `light-armed warrior' (Tyrt.), with γυμνητικός (X.), γυμνήσιος (Arist.), γυμνητεύω (Plu.), γυμνητεία `light-armed men' (Th.), `nakedness' (Corn.); γυμνήτης, f. - ῆτις `naked' (Lyc.). γυμνικός ( ἀγών) `gymnastic' (opp. ἱππικός) (Hdt.). γυμνηλός `poor' (H., EM, after νοσηλός etc.). - γυμνότης f. (LXX). - Denom. γυμνόομαι `strip' (Il.), - όω (Hdt.), γύμνωσις (Th.). γυμνάζομαι `exercise (naked)' Ion.-Att.; γυμναστής `trainer' (Pl.), γυμναστικός, ἡ γυμναστική ( τέχνη) `gymnastics' (Ion.-Att.); γύμνασμα `training' (D. H.), γύμνασις `id.' (Poll.); γυμνάσιον `training' (Pi.), `school for.., gymnasium' (Att.), γυμνασιώδης (Cic.); γυμνασία; for - σιον, - σία Schwyzer 469f. - γυμνασίδιον (Arr.) and γυμναστήριον (Gal.). - γυμνιεύω `be naked' (P. Ross. Georg. 3, 28, IVp).
    Origin: IE [Indo-European] [769] * nogʷ-nos `naked'
    Etymology: Old word. With dental suffix, Lat. nūdus (\< * nogʷodʰos Schrijver, Larr. Lat. 1991, 274f), OIr. nocht, Goth. naqaÞs, OHG nackt, ONo. nøkkuiðr. Without suffix, Lith. núogas, OCS nagъ (with vowel lengthened acc. to Winter-Kortlandt); with n-Suffix, Skt. nagná-, Av. maγna- (dissimilated); Germ. n-forms like ONo. nakinn, OFries. naken prob. after the n-participles. Hitt. nekumanza (with e-vowel) after the adjektives in -u̯ant- (with - mant- after u). With e also Arm. merk \< *meguro- (cf. Av. maγna-). - The υ from -o- as in νύξ before following labiovelar; - μν- \< -gun-, cf. ἀμνός. We also find λυμνός (H.), with dissimilation for *νυμνός; also ἀπολύγματος ἀπογύμνωσις. Κύπριοι H. (with - γ- preserved). The essential point, the γ-, was explained by Kortlandt (ap. Beekes, Orbis 37 (1994)91) through assimilation in *noŋʷ-nos \> *ŋoŋʷnos. The initial ŋ- was rephonemicized (ŋ was not a phoneme in Greek) to γ-, *γυνμος giving γυμνός.
    Page in Frisk: 1,332-333

    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > γυμνός

  • 5 δάκρυ

    Grammatical information: n.
    Meaning: `tear, drop' (Il., also Peripl. M. Rubr. 30 = `resin', cf. s. βράθυ),
    Other forms: Dat. pl. δάκρυσι; δάκρυον n. (Il., from δάκρυα, Debrunner Mélanges Pedersen 202ff.)
    Compounds: παρά- δακρυ plant name (Ps.-Dsc.); many bahuvrihi's in - δακρυς.
    Derivatives: Demin. δακρύδιον as plant name (Ps.-Dsc.); - δακρυ-όεις `rich in tears' (Il.) on which Risch, Museum Helv. 3 (1946) 255; δακρυώδης `with tears' (of wounds, Hp.); denomin. δακρύω `weep (over)' (Il.) with δάκρῡμα `wept over' (Orac. ap. Hdt. 7, 169), `tear' (A.); hell. *δάκρῠμα to Lat. dacrŭma, lacrĭma, s. Leumann Sprache 1, 206.
    Origin: IE [Indo-European] [179] *drḱ-h₂ḱru `eye-bitter' \> `tear'
    Etymology: Old word for `tear'. Arm. artasu-k` pl. (\< *draḱu-, s. below), sg. artawsr (\< *draḱu-r); Germ., e. g. OHG zahar, Goth. tagr (with grammat. change); Celt., e. g. OBret. dacr, OIr. dēr, \< *daḱr(o)-. - Beside it OHG trahan, \< PGm. * trahnu-, \< *draḱnu-. One started from *draḱru- with dissimilation. - The eastern languages have no initial consonants: Skt. áśru-, Av. asrū-, Balt., e. g. Lith. ašarà, Toch. A ākär. "Eine befriedigende Erklärung ist noch nicht gefunden; vielleicht liegt alte Kreuzung mit einem anderen Wort vor." (Frisk) - Kortlandt assumes a compound from *dr̥ḱ-h₂ḱru `eye-bitter', the first element from *derḱ- `to see', the second element being `bitter'. Cf. Pinault FS Beekes 1997, 291-233. - Note Hitt. išḫaḫru- n. `tears'. Kortlandt supposes *skʷ-h₂ḱru (from * sekʷ- `see'). - See W.-Hofmann s. lacrima; further Sapir Lang. 15, 180ff..
    Page in Frisk: 1,344

    Greek-English etymological dictionary (Ελληνικά-Αγγλικά ετυμολογική λεξικό) > δάκρυ

  • 6 azъ

    azъ Grammatical information: prn. Proto-Slavic meaning: `I'
    Page in Trubačev: I 100-103
    Old Church Slavic:
    azъ `I' [prnprs]
    Russian:
    ja `I' [prnprs]
    Old Russian:
    (j)azъ `I' [prnprs]
    Czech:
    já `I' [prnprs]
    Old Czech:
    jáz `I' [prnprs]
    Polish:
    ja `I' [prnprs]
    Old Polish:
    jaz (Flor.) `I' [prnprs] \{1\};
    ja `I' [prnprs]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jȃ `I' [prnprs];
    jȁz (dial.) `I' [prnprs];
    Čak. jå̃ (Vrgada) `I' [prnprs];
    Čak. jȁ (Novi) `I' [prnprs];
    Čak. jã (Orbanići) `I, me' [prnprs]
    Slovene:
    jàz `I' [prnprs]
    Bulgarian:
    az `I' [prnprs];
    ja (dial.) `I' [prnprs]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: eʔź-um; eś (?)
    Lithuanian:
    àš `I' [prnprs];
    eš (OLith.) `I' [prnprs]
    Latvian:
    es `I' [prnprs];
    ęs (dial.) `I' [prnprs]
    Old Prussian:
    as `I' [prnprs];
    es `I' [prnprs]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁eǵ-H-om
    IE meaning: I
    Page in Pokorny: 291
    Comments: The distribution of * jazъ and *ja suggest that the latter form is a Proto-Slavic innovation (Kortlandt forthc.).
    Other cognates:
    Skt. ahám `I' [prnprs];
    Gk. ἐγώ `I' [prnprs];
    Go. ik `I' [prnprs]
    Notes:
    \{1\} Possibly a Bohemianism.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > azъ

  • 7 dāvàti

    dāvàti Grammatical information: v. Proto-Slavic meaning: `give'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 197
    Old Church Slavic:
    - davati `give' [verb]
    Russian:
    davát' `give' [verb], dajú [1sg]
    Czech:
    dávati `give' [verb]
    Slovak:
    dávat' `give' [verb]
    Polish:
    dawać `give' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dávati `give' [verb], dȃjēm [1sg];
    dávati (Vuk: SW) `give' [verb], dájēm [1sg];
    dávati `give' [verb], dȃvām [1sg];
    Čak. då̄vȁti `give' [verb], då̃ješ [2sg];
    Čak. dāvȁt (Orbanići) `give' [verb], dājȅn [1sg]
    Slovene:
    dávati `give' [verb], dávam [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    dávam `give' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: doʔu̯aʔ-
    Latvian:
    dãvât `give (iter.)' [verb]
    Page in Pokorny: 223
    Comments: The secondary je-present dajǫ is built on the aorist stem. The long non-acute root vowel of the imperfective iteratives in - dāvati can be traced to a perfect form * dh₃-ēu (Kortlandt 1989: 111).
    Other cognates:
    Gk. δίδωμι `give' [verb];
    Skt. dádāti `give' [verb];
    Lat. dāre `give' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dāvàti

  • 8 dȅvętь

    dȅvętь Grammatical information: num. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `nine'
    Page in Trubačev: IV 222-223
    Old Church Slavic:
    devętь `nine' [num i]
    Russian:
    dévjat' `nine' [num i], devjatí [Gens]
    Czech:
    devět `nine' [num]
    Slovak:
    devät' `nine' [num]
    Polish:
    dziewięć `nine' [num i]
    Slovincian:
    ʒìe̯vjinc `nine' [num]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    dȅvēt `nine' [num];
    Čak. dȅvet (Vrgada, Orbanići) `nine' [num]
    Slovene:
    devę̑t `nine' [num]
    Bulgarian:
    dévet `nine' [num]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: deu̯in
    Lithuanian:
    devynì `nine' [num]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁neun
    IE meaning: nine
    Page in Pokorny: 318
    Comments: For Balto-Slavic one would expect *dou̯in, with *eu > *ou before a vowel. The e vocalism may have been reintroduced on the basis of the ordinal * deuno- prior to the development *eu > * iou before consonant (Hamp 1976, Kortlandt 1979: 57). The ordinal was later reshaped into *deu̯ino-. In view of OPr. newīnts `nine', it is possible that the numeral still had initial *n- at the end of the Balto-Slavic period, but German influence cannot be excluded.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. náva `nine' [num];
    Gk. ἐννέα `nine' [num];
    Lat. novem `nine' [num];
    Go. niun `nine' [num]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > dȅvętь

  • 9 gràbiti

    gràbiti Grammatical information: v. Accent paradigm: a Proto-Slavic meaning: `seize, grab'
    Page in Trubačev: VII 97
    Old Church Slavic:
    grabiti `rob' [verb], grabljǫ [1sg]
    Russian:
    grábit' `rob, rake' [verb]
    Polish:
    grabić `rake, gather' [verb]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    grȁbiti `seize, grab, rake' [verb];
    Čak. grȁbiti (Vrgada) `seize, grab, rake' [verb];
    Čak. grȁbit (Orbanići) `rake' [verb]
    Slovene:
    grábiti `seize, grab, rake' [verb], grȃbim [1sg]
    Bulgarian:
    grábja `rob, ramsack, snatch' [verb]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: groʔb-
    Lithuanian:
    gróbti `seize' [verb]
    Latvian:
    grâbt `seize' [verb]
    Indo-European reconstruction: gʰreb-
    Comments: In Balto-Slavic and Germanic, the roots *gʰrebʰ- `dig, rake' and *gʰreb- `seize, grab' were mixed up to a considerable degree (Kortlandt 1988, Derksen 1991: 321-322).
    Other cognates:
    OIc. grápa `seize' [verb]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > gràbiti

  • 10 mèčь

    mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142
    Old Church Slavic:
    mečь `sword' [m jo]
    Russian:
    meč' `sword' [m jo], mečá [Gens]
    Czech:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Polish:
    miecz `sword' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mječ `sword' [m jo];
    miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];
    Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    mèč `sword' [m jo]
    Bulgarian:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.
    Other cognates:
    Go. mēki `sword'
    ;
    OS māki `sword'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mèčь

  • 11 mь̀čь

    mèčь; mь̀čь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `sword'
    Page in Trubačev: XVIII 141-142
    Old Church Slavic:
    mečь `sword' [m jo]
    Russian:
    meč' `sword' [m jo], mečá [Gens]
    Czech:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Polish:
    miecz `sword' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    mječ `sword' [m jo];
    miecʒ̇ (Matthaei 1721) `sword' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    mȁč `sword' [m jo], màča [Gens];
    Čak. mȁč (Vrgada) `sword' [m jo], mačȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    mèč `sword' [m jo]
    Bulgarian:
    meč `sword' [m jo]
    Comments: This etymon has often been considered a borrowing from Germanic, but the Slavic short vowel does not match the long vowel of the Germanic forms. The vacillation between *e and *ь may be attributed to the raising of pretonic *e in the vicinity of a palatalized consonant (see Kortlandt 1984-1985), but this development seems to have occured prior to Dybo's law and there is no particular reason to regard * mečь as an old oxytone noun. Trubačëv (ESSJa s.v.) advocates a connection with OIr. mecc-, referring to Odincov 1985.
    Other cognates:
    Go. mēki `sword'
    ;
    OS māki `sword'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > mь̀čь

  • 12 ògn'ь

    ògn'ь Grammatical information: m. i / m. jo Accent paradigm: b Proto-Slavic meaning: `fire'
    Page in Trubačev: XXXII 30-33
    Old Church Slavic:
    ognь `fire' [m i], ogni [Gens];
    ogn'ь `fire' [m jo], ognja [Gens]
    Russian:
    ogón' `fire' [m jo], ognjá [Gens];
    ogon' (N. dial.) `fire' [m? i], ogni [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    ohón' (dial.) `fire' [m jo], ohnjú [Gens];
    ohén' (dial.) `fire' [m i], ohný [Gens]
    Czech:
    oheň `fire' [m jo]
    Slovak:
    oheň `fire' [m jo]
    Polish:
    ogień `fire' [m jo]
    Slovincian:
    vùo̯gȯu̯n `fire' [m jo]
    Upper Sorbian:
    woheń `fire' [m jo]
    Lower Sorbian:
    wogeń `fire' [m jo]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    òganj `fire' [m jo], ògnja [Gens];
    Čak. ȍgań (Vrgada) `fire, hearth' [m jo], ȍgńa [Gens];
    Čak. ogáń (Novi) `fire' [m jo], ogńȁ [Gens];
    Čak. ugãnj (Orbanići) `fire' [m jo], ugnjȁ [Gens]
    Slovene:
    ógǝnj `fire' [m jo], ógnja [Gens]
    Bulgarian:
    ógăn `fire' [m jo]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: ungnis
    Lithuanian:
    ugnìs `fire' [f i] 4
    Latvian:
    uguns `fire' [f i];
    uguns `fire' [m i]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₁ngw-ni-
    Comments: According to Kortlandt (1979: 60-61), * ogn'ь reflects a Balto-Slavic noun * ungnis, where *- ngn- blocked the operation of Winter's law. The sequence *un was lowered to *on before a tautosyllabic stop, with subsequent loss of the nasal as a result of dissimilation (cf. -> *vodà). Apparently, the latter development occurred in Baltic as well. The expected reflex of Winter's law is found in -> *vỳgъn̨ь, vỳgъn̨a.
    Other cognates:
    Skt. agní- (RV+) `fire, Agni'
    ;
    Lat. ignis `fire'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > ògn'ь

  • 13 olbǭdь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭdь

  • 14 olbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olbǭtь

  • 15 elbedь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbedь

  • 16 elbǭtь

    olbǭdь; olbǭtь; elbedь; elbǭtь Grammatical information: m. jo Accent paradigm: c (a) Proto-Slavic meaning: `swan'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 19; XXXII 50-51
    Russian:
    lébed' `swan' [m jo], lébedja [Gens]
    Ukrainian:
    lébid' `swan' [m jo]
    Czech:
    labut' `swan' [f i/jā]
    Slovak:
    labut' `swan' [f]
    Polish:
    ɫabędź `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć (dial.) `swan' [m jo]
    Old Polish:
    ɫabęć `swan' [m jo];
    ɫabęć `swan' [f i]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    lȁbūd `swan' [m o];
    lȅbūt (arch.) `swan' [m o];
    Čak. lȁbūd (Vrgada) `swan' [m o]
    Slovene:
    labǫ́d `swan' [m o];
    lebę́d `swan' [m o];
    lobǫ́d `swan' [m o]
    Bulgarian:
    lébed `swan' [m o]
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂elbʰ-ond-i
    IE meaning: swan
    Certainty: +
    Page in Pokorny: 30-31
    Comments: If the PSl. reconstruction *olb- is correct, the fact that the root shape*lab- occurs outside South Slavic and Central Slovak suggests that we are dealing with an originally acute root (cf. Meillet 1934: 83), which would be in conflict with the traditional etymology that the etymon derives from a root*h₂elbʰ- `white'. Unless one adheres to the view that a lengthened grade yields an acute in Balto-Slavic, a reconstruction *h₂lōbʰ- (with Schwebeablaut) does not solve the problem. Apart from the etymology, the distribution of the reflexes * la- and * lo- needs to be explained. It is possible to argue that the reflex * le- in Ru. lébed' (perhaps from * lo- before a soft labial, cf. tebe < tobě) continues the short reflex of * ol- in the oxytone forms of a mobile paradigm, but there is no such explanation for the West Slavic forms. Kortlandt (2005: 128) makes an attempt to account for the facts while starting from the hypothesis that the etymon originally belonged to AP (a) and only became mobile after the rise of distinctive tone and the South Slavic lengthening of initial vowels before tautosyllabic resonants.
    Other cognates:
    OHG albiz, elbiz `swan';
    OE aelbitu, ielfetu `swan' [f];
    OIc. elptr, ǫlpt `swan' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elbǭtь

  • 17 olьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > olьxa

  • 18 elьxa

    olьxa; elьxa Grammatical information: f. ā Proto-Slavic meaning: `alder'
    Page in Trubačev: VI 23-25; XXXII 81-82
    Russian:
    ol'xá `alder' [f ā];
    ëlxa (dial.), elxá (dial.) `alder, spruce' [f ā] \{1\}
    Slovak:
    jelcha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Polish:
    olcha `alder' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    jelha (dial.) `alder' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    elxá `alder, spruce' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: a/elisaH;; a/el(i)snio-
    Lithuanian:
    al̃ksnis, el̃ksnis `alder' [m io] 2;
    alìksnis (E. dial.) `alder' [m io] 2;
    álksna, élksna (dial.) `alder thicket, place where alders grow, marsh, dale' [f ā] 1
    Latvian:
    àlksnis, èlksnis (dial.) `alder' [m io];
    àlksna, ęlksna (E. dial.) `alder thicket, swampy place' \{2\}
    Indo-European reconstruction: h₂eliseh₂
    IE meaning: alder
    Certainty: -
    Page in Pokorny: 302-303
    Comments: As Schrijver observes (1991: 40), this etymon presents two problems. The first problem is the anlaut. The Slavic forms with je- cannot be explained away by assuming analogy after the word for `spruce': je- also occurs in West Slavic, where `spruce' is jedl-, not jel- (pace Kortlandt apud Schrijver: o.c. 41). The a-: e- variation in Germanic suggests that the variation in Baltic and Slavic does not result from "Rozwadowski's change" alone (cf. Andersen 1996: 130). The second problem is the alternation between i and zero in the second syllable. It is true that the *i and *u (cf. the Latvian toponym Aluksne?) of the Germanic forms may continue the regular ablaut of an s-stem (Schrijver: l.c.), but the fact that we find *i of in Slavic and East Lithuanian as well indicates that it should be taken at face value. The above-mentioned peculiarities of the etymon strongly suggest that we are dealing with a word of non-Indo-European origin. The fact that there are North Slavic forms with s alongside the expected x must be connected with the Baltic presence in the area (cf. Anikin 2005: 85-86).
    Other cognates:
    Lat. alnus `alder'
    ;
    Span. aliso `alder'
    ;
    Mac. ἄλιζα `white poplar';
    OHG elira, erila `alder' [f];
    OE alor `alder'
    ;
    OIc. ǫlr `alder'
    , jǫlstr `alder' [f] \{3\}
    Notes:
    \{1\} In Russian dialects there are apparently also forms with a vocalized medial jer, e.g. elóxa (Kostr.), alëx (Voron.), olëx (Rjaz.) `alder' (cf. Popowska-Taborska 1984: 39). \{2\} The form with e- is actually reflected as àlksna (Bersohn, E. Latvia) (M-E: s.v.). \{3\} From * aluz- and * elustrō (< * elastrō?), respectively.

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > elьxa

  • 19 plě̑šь

    plě̑šь Grammatical information: f. i Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `bald patch'
    Church Slavic:
    plěšь `bald patch' [f i]
    Czech:
    pleš `bald patch' [f i]
    Polish:
    plesz `bald patch' [f i]
    Slovene:
    plẹ̑š `bald patch' [m o];
    plẹ́ša `bald patch' [f ā]
    Lithuanian:
    plìkas `bald' [adj o];
    pléikė (E. Lith.) `bald patch' [adj o]
    Latvian:
    pliks `bare, bald' [adj o]
    Comments: Forms such Ru. plexán `bald person' show that the root of this etymon is *plěx-. According to Kortlandt (1994: 112), Slavic *x corresponding to *k points to *ḱh₂, cf. -> *soxà vs. Lith. šakà. We may therefore recnstruct *ploiḱh₂-o-.
    Other cognates:
    Nw. (dial.) flein `bald patch'

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > plě̑šь

  • 20 rǭkà

    rǭkà Grammatical information: f. ā Accent paradigm: c Proto-Slavic meaning: `hand'
    Old Church Slavic:
    rǫka `hand, arm' [f ā]
    Russian:
    ruká `hand, arm' [f ā], rúku [Accs]
    Czech:
    ruka `hand' [f ā]
    Slovak:
    ruka `hand' [f ā]
    Polish:
    ręka `hand' [f ā]
    Serbo-Croatian:
    rúka `hand' [f ā], rȗku [Accs];
    Čak. rūkȁ (Vrgada, Hvar) `hand' [f ā], rȗku [Accs];
    Čak. ruokȁ (Orbanići) `hand' [f ā], ruȏko [Accs]
    Slovene:
    róka `hand' [f ā]
    Bulgarian:
    răká `hand' [f ā]
    Proto-Balto-Slavic reconstruction: rónkaʔ
    Lithuanian:
    rankà `hand' [f ā] 2
    Latvian:
    rùoka `hand' [f ā]
    Old Prussian:
    rānkan `hand' [Accsf ā]
    Comments: The Balto-Slavic word for `hand' derives from a verbal root *urenk, cf. Lith. riñkti `gather'. Since deverbative ā-stems are usually immobile, Kortlandt (1977: 327) suggests that the accentuation is analogical after *nogà `foot, leg', where mobility is old.
    Other cognates:
    OIc. rá `corner, berth in a ship' [f]

    Slovenščina-angleščina big slovar > rǭkà

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